Rani Gaidinliu Pamei was born on 26th January, 1915 at Longkao (Nungao) Village in the present Tousem Sub-division Tamenglong District, Manipur (NH-53), Rani Gaidinliu was a charismatic girl even at her tender age. Her father Lothonang Pamei and mother Kachaklenliu saw their surely little daughter Gaidinliu as peculiar and different from among their other children. She was the 5th among her six sisters and a younger brother.

Read more »

Haipou Jadonang Malangmei was born in 1905 to Thiudai Malangmei (father) and Tabonliu (mother) at Kambiron (Puilon) village in Tamenglong district of Manipur. He was the youngest of the three sons. Jadonang was one of the first Naga person who claimed himself to be a 'Messiah King'

Read more »

Haipou Jadonang : A freedom fighterBy: Romeo Palmei

The death anniversary of Haipou Jadonang, the pioneer freedom fighter of Manipur is observed in all Zeliangrong inhabited areas on 29th August every year in commemoration of the hanging of Zeliangrong hero Haipou Jadonang on the day in 1931, by the Britishers who captured him on 19th February, 1931,

Read more »

By:- Dr Budha Kamei


The general concept of life after death may be understood in the language of M Horam who says, "Like all other members of the greatest human family, these wild Nagas believed in-the existence of a better world and adored, under different names, gods, the creators of the universe.............Their notions were in general simple and philosophical" (M Horam, Nagas : Old ways and New trends). 

Among the Kabuis, death of a man is believed to be the leaving of soul called Buh permanently from the body for its journey to the land of the dead. (Frank Byron Jevons, The History of Religion). Thus, death is not an end of human soul, but it is just a change of way of life of the soul (Fustel De Coulanges, The Ancient city : A study on the Religion, Laws and institutions Of Greece and Rome).

The rites and ceremonies of the death are to ensure for safety and joyful trip of the soul to the land of the dead where the soul of its ancestors are leading a life of themselves. Sherlock says, "We call it death to leave this world, but were we once out of it and enstated into the happiness of the next, we should think it were dying indeed to come back to it again" (Tryon Edward, World greatest quotations : an encyclopeadia quotations).

Buh (soul) : The word soul in its primary meaning designates an entity conceived as the cause or vehicle of the body life and psychical activities of the individual person. The soul is assumed to exist as a spiritual substance, in rather sharp antithesis material substances, thus giving form to the contrast of soul and body (as constituents of man) and the assumption of their separability (James Hastings,Enyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics).

The New Encyclopaedia Britannica defines soul as an immortal principle and aspect with the body constitute the human person. Such principle has always been attributed to all the living things to the universe as a whole and even inanimate object which is regarded as ordinary. It is the every essence of a thing and not a mere part of it. It is the core of a bodily life, function and highest mental activity.

Plato defines soul in the manner that soul exists in pure state only when it is released from its prison house in the body. According to Oxford advance learner's Dictionary, soul is none material part of a person believed to exist after death.

The term soul is called Buh in local dialect. Soul is the immortal spiritual substance of human person. It is the animating substance of individual life. The structure of the composition of soul and body is known as a living being and is further termed mortal (Introduction to Phylosophy Readings in Epistemology, Emtaphysics, Ethics, Philosophy of Religion). "Soul is not born and does not die" (Ibid), since it comes from Tingkao Ragwang, the supreme god who is the source of soul and life (Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak, Theilon Khatni Ringlon).

The belief of the existence of a soul from the Paleolithic age may be explained that "the hole frequently found chiseled in the transverse slab of the megalithic monuments or barrows belonging to the Neolithic age was meant to provide the soul (it is often called the soul hole) even if only temporarily, with a way of escape from the grave" (Carl Clemen, The Religion of the world Their Nature and Their History). According to the traditional belief, the physical form of life is enshrouded by transitoriness, having definite span of existence or duration. The physical body is nothing but a shell or cover of theBuh. Human body is the home of the soul.

The man is alive so long it resides in the human person and the moment when the man dies, it departs permanently from the body. The life and death of man is indicated by the presence or absence of Buh. The soul is believed to be pure since it comes out of Tingkao Ragwang and the final goal of the Buh is to move to Heaven, Tingkao Kaidai (Gangmumei Kamei, The Zeliangrong Primordial Religion).

But it depends on the actions of man done in the human world since the soul resides in the body of man. Montgomery says, "The soul, of origin divine God's glorious image, freed from clay, in heaven's eternal sphere shall shine, a star of day! The sun is but a spark of fire, a transient meteor in the sky; the soul immortal as its sire shall never die". (Tryon Edward, Op.cit)

The Kabuis believe on the subject of life here after and the land of death called Taroilam. Belief in a future life is a main principle their traditional religion.(George Rawlinson, The Religion of the Ancient world) To Emile Durhkeim, "While the body no longer exists and no visible traces of it remain, the soul continues to live: it leads an autonomous existence in another world".(The Elementary forms 6f the Religious life). It is believed that in the human body there lives a soul, which on being released from its mortal covering, goes its way to Taroilam, the abode of souls and there he will lead an; other life (Tingkao Ragwang ChapRiak, Op.cit). As for instance, they bury the dead along with articles such as a Laogai (a small spade), weaving equipements and foodstuff packets for his or her use in the land of the dead which gives an idea that there is life after death.

Means of approach to the afterworld : Like in many other religions, the Kabuis also believe that the dead has to make a journey to the other world, to which they actually belong. In this faith, they make necessary arrangements (funeral rituals) for his travel, such as cleansing the dead, adornment the dead with traditional cloths, seven foodstuff packets to eat and drink on different places through which he will pass his travel to the land of the dead : the first packet is for eating at the Karangbahg which means beyond the village gate; the second packet at the Bamdondai, meaning the big resting place; the third, near the Kanung river; the fourth packet is for giving to them who receive him at Taroilam; the fifth packet to his parents and grand parents (those elders who died ahead of the person); the sixth packet is for feeding the dog of the Taroilam and the seventh is for giving to the khanana, the evil spirits of the Taroilam.

"The idea that the dead had to cross some barrier that divided the land of the living from that of the dead also occurs in many religions : the Greeks and Romans believed that the dead were ferried across an infernal river, the Acheron or Styx, by a demonic boatman called Charon, for whose payment a coin was placed in the mouth of the deceased; in Zoroastrianism, the dead cross the Bridge of the Requiter(Cinvato Paratu); bridges figure also in Muslim and Scandinavian eschatologies (speculations concerning the end of the world and the afterlife)—the Sirat bridge and the bridge over the Gjoll River (Gjallarbru). (The New Encyclopaedia Britannica vol.v)

Similarly, the Kabuis also put a coin in the mouth of the dead which is supposed to pay to the ferry for crossing the Kanungdui, a mythical river which divides the living and the dead. (Arnold Van Gennep,The Rites of Passage). The ancient Greeks and Romans provided with honey cake for the dead which is intended to feed Cerberus, the fearsome dog that guarded the entrance to Hades. (Ibid) The sixth foodstuff packet mentioned above is meant for the dog of Taroigwang.

Geography of the afterlife : The term Taroilam literally means land of the dead; (Taroi= dead, lam = land). Taroilam is supposed to be the land of death but no one exactly knows or gives idea about where is it. Burial is the mode of disposing of dead has long been universally known and practiced, and no one doubts that it is the burial of bodies underground which has given rise to the belief that the abode of the dead is underground. (Frank Byron Jevons, Op.cit).

The mortuary cults of many people give indication that the dead were imagined as actually living in their graves and able to receive the offerings of food and drink made to them eg some graves in ancient Crete and Ugarit were equipped with pottery conduits, from the surface, for libiations (Britannica Encyclopaedia of World Religions). However the grave has been often thought of as a door to a vast subterranean or underground abode of the dead. (The New Encyclopaedia Britannicavol, Op.cit)Taroilam is believed to be within the bowel of earth.

The belief is widely spread : "Among the Karens a rude Asiatic tribe, the land of the dead is held to be below the earth. The Aryan people undoubtedly held the same view; the Roman Orcus and the Greek Hades are underground. The Babylonians placed 'the land whence none return', as it was termed by them, in name both for the grave and for the subterranean abode of the departed". (Frank Byron Jevons, Op.cit).

According to Emile Durkheim, it is existed side by side in the same society but nobody can see them. "After death the souls descend to an underground world, where they are met by the shades of their ancestors, who introduce them into their new habitation; the life they lead in the underground world is an exact counterpart of what they led in this- the rich, remain rich, the poor, poor". (R Brown,Statistical Account of Manipur)

"Sometimes, it is ruled by an awful monarch, such as the Mesopotamian god NERGAL or the Greek god Hades, or Pluto or the Yama of Hindu and Buddhist eschatoloty". (The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Op.cit) Taroilam is ruled by a god named Taroigwang, the king of dead who is an agent of Tingkao Ragwang, the supreme god to take care of the affairs of the kingdom. (Chaoba Kamson, Ra Pari).

George Rawlinson says, the fate after death would depend on his conduct during his life on earth, and especially on his observance of the moral law and performance of his various duties. In the land of death, all the souls will be faced judgment made by the Taroigwang based on their past actions, commitment of sins, worship of Tingkao Ragwang while living in the human world.

According to the view of human nature and destiny held in a particular religion, this underworld may be a gloomy, joyless place were the shades of all the dead merely survive or it may be a place of awful torments where the damned suffer for their misdeeds. In those religions in which the under world has been conceived as a place of post mortem retribution, the idea of a separate abode of the blessed dead generally became necessary. Such an abode has various locations.

In most religions it is imagined as being in the sky or in a divine realm beyond the sky (eg in Ghosticism, Hinduism, and Buddhism); sometimes it has been conceived as the "Isles of the Blessed" (eg in later Greek and Celtic mythology) or as a beautiful garden or paradise such as the al-firdaws of Islam. The ten hells of Chinese Buddhist eschatology may be considered as purgatories, for in them the dead expiated their sins before being incarnated once more in this world. (The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Op.cit)

In the opinion of George Rawlinson, "After death the souls of men, both good and bad, preceded together along an appointed path to the "bridge of the gatherer". This was a narrow road conducting to heaven, or paradise, over which the souls of the good alone could pass, while the wicked fell from it into the gulf below, where they found themselves in the place of punishment. The pious soul was assisted across the bridge by the angel". (Op.cit)

Evans-Pritchard writes, "Life comes from God and to him it returns". (Evans-Pritchard, The Neur Religion). The Kabuis also believe that after death the soul will go to Tingkao Ragwang, the Supreme God from whom it comes. But it depends on the deeds performed by a man in his last birth. The judgments of Taroigwang may be classified into the followings : (Gangmumei Kamei, Op.cit)

Those souls who are not committed sins and who have performed all duties towards Tingkao Ragwang and who have performed the prescribed sacrifices and ceremonies are good doers will be sent to Heaven. Those who do more good and less bad will be permitted to live in the land of the dead. Those who are evil doers and sinners will be punished. After that they will be sent to the land of the living to born according to his bad or good action.

Those who are sinners and evil doers who are born again and again and who die again and again and who are beyond redemption will be sent to Thuntadijang which is a stage of degenerated form of life almost equivalent to the extinction of life. According to R. Brown, "After their return living thus over again, they return to the upper world, and are born, live and die, unconscious of their former state; the bad however are annihilated". (R. Brown, Op.cit)

In Kabui society, there is a dream-diviner called Mangtatmei who may be either sex. The diviner is a person who has many dreams, and is liable to work himself into more or less of a trance, when he is purported to commune with the deities and with the departed souls and to see things not revealed to ordinarily mortals. In time of crisis, he or she is consulted to find out the exact cause of it and its remedy.

In this way, they maintain a relation with the land of the dead through the medium of shaman priests and dream diviners. It is believed that the ancestors or souls of Taroilam look after the safety and wellbeing of their living descendents. In return, the living descendents worship their dead ancestors and honour them. Thus, belief in life after death is an essential feature of the traditional religion of the Kabui. 


Courtesy : e-pao.net and Sangaiexpress.

By :Dr Budha Kamei

Rih-Ngai is an important ritual festival of the Zeliangrong people of North East India. The term Rih-Ngai literally means war festival; (Rih=war, Ngai=Festival). It is also known as Ring-Ngai, meaning festival for the living that is to seek long life and strength from the Supreme Being, Tingkao Ragwang. (Khum-Ngai Lon Akhatni Kasoi Kadam published by Thalon Nam, Imphal, 2003, p.3).
Some Zeliangrong villages celebrate this festival in the name of Chaga-Ngai. It is celebrated for one day in the month of January or February in which male members of the village perform the festival and female members are mere spectators.
It consists of the rituals (Lumthengmei), for the purification of one's body, soul and mind, thereby making one self fortunate and for every challenges of life, say ready for war, hunting, fishing, cultivation etc. (Chamdin Then: Chamgbi, vol.-i, Imphal 1973, p.2; Chaoba Kamson: Ra Pari, Imphal, 2009, p.247).
In the festival, the men and women sleep alone and also cook their food separately. In the early morning of the festival, an omen taking rite (Danjaomei) is performed by an elder of Pei who officiates as priest (Mhu) at the abode of village deity, Bambu or Shong not to happen any untoward incident during the festival. It is similar to the first day of Gaan-Ngai. There is no feasting at the dormitory.
In the afternoon, all male members who are armed with spear and dao walk in procession from one end of the village to the other end chanting Ho Ho in chorus. This is called Hoigammei.
After the Hoigammei procession, sports like long jump (Danchammei), stone throwing (Taophaimei), etc. are held at the village jumping ground (Danshanpung).
Just before the sports, at the village gate (Rang) they will perform the Chong-Kapmei, or shooting of or spearing of the human effigies made of the plantain tree. (Gangmumei Kamei: The History of the Zeliangrong Nagas From Makhel to Rani Gaidinlu, Spectrum Publications, Guwahati/Delhi, 2004, p.314).
In regard of this festival, R. Brown writes, "An effigy of a man made of plantain is hung on a tree, and at it they throw pointed bamboos or sticks. should the javelin strike it on the head, the thrower, it is said, will kill an enemy, but if it lodges in the belly, the thrower is to be blessed with plenty of good." (R. Brown, Statistical Account of Manipur, Mittal Publications, Delhi, 2001, p.28.)
In this festival, Kavouna, Ritaak Ganmei is also performed and the elderly men recite warrior talks, war hymns, etc. (G. Makunga, Introduction of the Rongmei Nagas, Imphal, 1994, p.1l6.).
In Ritaak Ganmei ritual, an elder of village Pei who acts as priest will throw some pieces of meat in the direction of the village gate with war hymns.
The boys of the male dormitory (Khangchu) will produce new fire by the wood or bamboo friction (Mhailapmei) and with this new fire they will cook their food for the festival. In the evening, every household of the village will perform an offering of a cock to the Supreme God for wellbeing and bountiful harvest in the year.Holy wine is also offered to the Supreme God and village deity including the ancestors of the concerned family or lineage for safety, protection and prosperity in the days to come. This is called Joupan Keimei.
For all these reasons, Rih-Ngai festival is so important to these people.

Courtesy : The Sangai express and e-pao.net

By: Prof Gangmumei Kamei

Gaan-Ngai is the greatest festival of the Zeliangrong people who inhabit in the State of Manipur, Assam and Nagaland. ‘Zeliangrong’ is the combined name of three cognate kin group namely Zeme, Liangmai and Rongmei. Puimei, another cognate group performs the same festivals of the Zeliangrong.
Gaan-Ngai is called Hegangi among the Zeme, Gin-Ngi among the Liangmai and Gaan-Ngai among the Rongmei and Puimei. The name, Gaan-Ngai literally means the festival of winter season (Gaan or Ganh means winter or dry season and Ngai means festival). It is derived from the name of winter season like Chakan Ganh, Gan-bu or Enganh.
All the festivals of the Zeliangrong people like other tribes throughout the world are based on the different stages of agricultural operations; pre-operation and post harvest. The Gaan-Ngai is a post harvest festival. When the granaries are full, the landscape is dry, the whole village is free from all agricultural works, people turn to celebration, festivity and worship of the God and honouring of the dead.

This festival is also described as a new year festival as it marks the end of the year and beginning of the new year. It is a festival heralding the new year. Every tribal new year festival is marked by the production of new fire either by friction of wood and bamboos or friction of the flint. The Gaan-Ngai performs the production of fire, Mairapmei. It is rightly described as a new year festival.
The Gaan-Ngai is a festival during which those who died in the previous year are given ritual farewell or departure; their graves are beautified, dances are performed in their honour, feast is given to the community in the honour of the dead. Gaan-Ngai is thus the festival of both the death and living.
The Gaan-Ngai was usually performed between the month of October and December depending on the state of the progress of agricultural operation. However, the Kabui Naga Association, the progenitor of the present Zeliangrong Union decided in 1947 that Gaan-Ngai be performed on the 13th day of the Meitei month of Wakching as per the Meitei Calendar (Chandrabda) of the lunar year. Since then, due to efforts of the community leaders, it has been performed on 13th Wakching onwards.

Gaan-Shanmei (heralding of the Gaan-Ngai):
The duration of the festival varies from place to place. But in the beginning of the month in which the Gaan-Ngai is to perform, the village elders will announce the coming of the festival by blowing the horn of the buffalo or the mithun informing the community to make the necessary arrangement for the festival. This is called Gaan-Shanmei (Heralding of the winter season or the Gaan-Ngai festival).

Ngai-Gangmei (starting of the festival):
Gaan-ngai is essentially based on the religious belief of the Zeliangrong people (worship of Tingkao Ragwang, the God of the universe). The whole culture, religion and social life are interwoven in the performance of Gaan-Ngai.

The first day of the festival is called Ngai-Gangmei (Starting or coming of the festival). It starts with omen taking (Danjaomei) rite at the abode of the village deity (Shong or Bambu) outside the village gate by an elder through the offering of egg and ginger. He will perform divination by ginger to know the future, the prosperity or otherwise of the new year.

Sacrifice to Tingkao Ragwang:
The whole village elders, men, youth will gather at the respective boys dormitory (Khangchu) or dormitories. The girls will gather at the girls’ dormitory (Luchu). An animal either a pig or a mithun will be sacrificed as offering to the Supreme God, Tingkao Ragwang. This will be preceded by a competitive catching of the pig or the mithun. After the sacrifice of the pig, the spleen will be examined to find out the omen for the future. There will be community feasting at the dormitories. A feast will be preceded by an invocation to God by Ho-Hoing.

Hoigammei (Hoi procession)
In the afternoon, there is the Hoigammei procession. Every male, the elder, married male, youth and even child putting on the best ceremonial dresses, holding spears, participate in the Hoigammei procession. It starts from the boys’ dormitory, proceeds to the village gates shouting Ho, Ho (Ho-Hoing) and then to the village jumping ground (Danshanpung). Competition in stone throwing, long jump and wresting are carried out in the presence of the whole community, the inauguration of the stone throwing and long jump being performed by a village elder.

Mairapmei (making of new fire)
The procession goes to the boys dormitory where the new fire is produced by the wood and bamboos friction and the fire will be distributed to every household or several team of youth visit the individual families to produce the new fire. Every family will perform Napkaomei ceremony (worship to God for plentiful harvest) as a thanksgiving for the good harvest and prayer for good agricultural production in the coming year. The evening will be spent in merry making, drinking and eating and singing in the dormitories.

Ngaidai (The great festival)
The second day is called 'Ngai-dai' (the great festival). It is also popularly known as 'Tamchan Ngai' (The performance - of Tamchan dance)

The senior members of the boys dormitory and family members of both the boys and girls who passed in the previous year will present the Tamcha (gift in the form of food, drinks, meat, vegetables and rice) to their respective dormitories for partaking by the member. The parents of the dead members give the tam-cha in remembrance of their deceased near and dear ones. There will be feasts in the respective dormitories.

Tamchan Dance
In the evening, girls will perform a dance in the selected families. This dance is known as 'Tamchan Laam' (Tam means chutney of vegetables; chan means 'request'; Laam means dance, dance requesting for Tam). Because of the performance of the Tamchan dance; the day is also known as Tamchan Ngai.

If there is no such dance, there is usually a singing competition between the boys and girls dormitories. Merry making continues.

Tuna Gaan-Ngai
The third day is known as the Tuna-Gan-Ngai (Festival of the youth). This day is important for both the death and living and for the strength and prosperity of the village.

i) The dormitories will perform Thei-Kadi-Laam (Dance in honour of the death) will be performed at the selected families where death occured in the previous year. The family will prepare the graves of the death to whom offering in the form of food and drink will be made. The dead will be given a ritual farewell. The performance of the dance in honour of the death is performed if the deceased happens to be a member of the dormitory. But it is not compulsory.

ii) The dormitories perform Khangbon Kadi Lam (a dance in honour of the elder members of the dormitories being promoted to a higher age grade position known as Ganchang).

Rangteng pammei (Ritual of reaffirmation)
On the third day or on the eve of the Long ruimei (Hill trekking) when there is no dancing, a ceremony known as the Rangteng pammei is performed. This is a ceremony to strengthen and confirm the village against the elements and forces inimical to the village. Rangtang pammei literally means 'embracing' the village gates.

Khunnummei (offering at the hole of the village gate)
In the afternoon, the head of the settlers clan of the village as Nampou (owner of the village), the chief funcitonary will go to the village gates and will dig holes in which he offers an egg and iron pieces with the chanting of hymns. It is an affirmation that he is the descendant of the founder of the village and prays for the affirmation of his position and strength of the village. This has social and administrative significance. It is the reassertion of the chiefship of the head of the settler's clans which should be accepted by everybody in the village.

At night, when there is complete silence in the village, the Rangteng Pammei ceremony will be performed. During the day time, a wooden pole will be prepared, the gaa creepers and canes will be collected by the youth and kept in the village gates. In the night, the wooden pole of the village gate is raised by the head or an elder of the settler's clan which is the family of the rangteng Pammei at the right side of the village and with appropriate hymns chanted. (It is not to be audible to the gathering).

Two warriors dressed in ceremonial warrior dress, holding dao and spear cut the village gate pole (Rangteng Khumei). It is followed by the Ho-Hoing of the gathering to scare away the wild beasts and evil elements followed by a complete silence.

The two warriors report to the elder, 'Our village is protected and safe it will be prosperous'. The gathering at the village gate will respond by shouting 'gaiye, gaiye, gaiye (meaning good four times). Then the Ho-hoing and again the response of 'gaiye' four times. From the village gate, the gathering proceeds shouting Hoi to the village jumping ground. Then the refrain of 'gaiye, gaiye, gaiye, gaiye' will be repeated and it is over. They return to the dormitories in a Hoi procession. In the villages which are not established by a founder clan, it is not performed.

On this day of the festivals, the traditional dances of different pattern will be performed by the youths (boys & girls). On this day, the dance, merry making, songs of the Zelian-grong are performed. The essence of the aesthetic sense of the Zeliangrong people and their culture are found expressed in a grand form.

Longkumei: Hill Trekking
The fourth day is called Long Kumei or Long ruimei (Hill Trekking) performed by the boys, girls and members of the dormitories in a nearby mountain range.

They will offer girls, sing songs (Long-Luchenlu) and janting tam (Hetam in Zeme) made of boiled pork. Gakting Tam is an item of boiled pork pounded with garlic, onion, chilli, ginger and salt and made into round balls. They return to the village and perform dance in honour of those boys and girls who have been chosen as the phak gwang or namlengwang. The kings and queens are adorned with phak grass. The families of the chosen boys and girls in whose honour the dance is performed will offer money, wine, drink and other eatables.

Napchanmei
The fifth day is called Nap-chanmei, offering of pig and fowls to God for good harvest and prosperity followed by the feasting at the dormitories. Individual families may perform this ceremony. A pig is sacrificied at the boys' dormitory to the God and a fowl is also offered.

There will be feasting with the invocation of God by Ho-Hoing, after the feast, there will be song competition between the boys and girls and merry making. There will be Kairong Lonmei (Guar-ding of the village with youth singing village guarding songs). Those who participate are entertained by the individual families.

Rangpatmei
It is the last day. In the early morning, there will be a ponnimmei, exchange of gifts in form of money, and necklace, bangles among the members of the boys and girls dormitories as a mark of farewell, marking the end of the happy Gaan-Ngai.

Rangpatmei is the offering of sacrifice to the deities of the pantheon of Gods worshipped by the village concerned. A sacrifice known as Ralen-loumei will be performed.

The village priest and the elders will perform this sacrifice in which three categories of Gods are worshipped by the Zeliangrong people with offerings of fowls, egg, ginger and water. It is performed at the village deity's abode.

i) The eight brothers of the Ragwang who are the members of the pantheon of Zelian-grong Gods below the Supreme God, Tingkao Ragwang.

ii) The Gods and deities worshipped by the particular village.

iii) The Gods of different aspects of nature like the God of the wind, fire etc.

iv) Propitiation of spirit not to disturb men.

A complete genna or neihmei is observed in the village during the period of the sacrifice. The elder will eat the chicken cooked at the ritual place.

Bukaomei (Calling of the Soul)
The elders will return to the village Pei (office of the village council) and perform another ceremony known as the Bu-kaomei (calling of the souls) to Tingkao Ragwang. A big cock will be sacrificed after chanting the hymns invoking Tingkao Ragwang, the Supreme God to extend protection to the people of the village from death and danger and provide welfare to the village and its people. The cock will be cooked and eaten by the elders and pieces of the meat will be distributed to every household.

Thus the Gaan-Ngai comes to an end. The community prays to Tingkao Ragwang as a Thanks giving and for future prosperity (Good harvest), the soul of the death leaves the households and go to the land of the death (Taroilam), the village reinvigorates its energy by affirmation of strength and unity, rejoices in the performance of dance, music, merry making and festivities.

Gaan-Ngai is a great festival, a unique cultural phenomenon, a form of aesthetic expression of the Zeliangrong religion and philosophy. It is also an institution through which the community sustains their cultural heritage and way of life. Gaan-Ngai is the essence of the Zeliangrong culture.

Courtesy: The Sangai Express and e-pao.net

Freedom Fighter Rani Gaidinliu (1915-1993)

By: Haipei Rani Gaidinliu Birth Anniversary Celebration Committee.

Born on 26th January, 1915 at Longkao (Nungao) Village in the present Tousem Sub-division Tamenglong District, Manipur (NH-53), Rani Gaidinliu was a charismatic girl even at her tender age. Her father Lothonang Pamei and mother Kachaklenliu saw their surely little daughter Gaidinliu as peculiar and different from among their other children. She was the 5th among her six sisters and a younger brother.

At the age of 13, Gaidinliu became restive and her mind was tormented as she saw the prevailing social and political condition in the western hills of Manipur under the British Regime. At this juncture, she came to meet Haipou Jadonang at Puilon (Kambiron) Village of the present Nungba Sub-division, Tamenglong District who had now emerged as the undisputed leader in the area.

Influenced by the ideology and undaunted determination she became the principal follower of Haipou Jadonang that in 1927 the revolutionary movement against the British rule was started. The revolutionary movement of the western hills of Manipur popularly known by historians as Naga Raj movement received a great momentum when 100 guns were brought from Cachar, Assam and propagation was made to boycott British taxation and forced labor. But as the movement gained a zenith height to strike, Haipou Jodonang was arrested and subsequently hanged on 29th August, 1931 at Imphal jail by the Britishers.

The mantle fell on Gaidinliu to lead and continue the revolution. She went underground along with her followers. A fierce gun fighting took place at Hangrum village in the north Cachar hills with the British army and the big village was later set ablaze by the colonial soldiers. A prolonged and hot pursue took place and Rs. 500/- reward was announced for information leading to her arrest. Her people in Manipur, Cachar, North Cachar and Naga Hills of Assam stood firm behind her.

Unfortunately, she was arrested from Poilwa (Pulomi) Village (present Nagaland) on 17th October, 1932 by the British Army led by Captain Mac Donald.

It was said that she bit the hand of a commander who tried to arrest her by which injury and pain the captor left her but a after much struggle she was finally arrested. She did not yield to the might of her captors.

On seeing her on handcuff, an old man sitting at Khonoma ridiculed soldiers why a mere woman was handcuffed and asked them to take off the same as so many men could have controlled her but Cap. Mac Donald shouted “Chup/silence”. Annoyed and angry the old man pelted stones and injured some soldiers who were marching across the village on the way to Kohima. He was arrested and later released.

J.C. Higgins, Political Agent of Manipur received the brave girl as extradited by J.P. Mills, D.C. Kohima. Gaidinliu was transported for life imprisonment for waging war against the British crown. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru met her at Shillong Jail in 1937 and with great sympathy he promised to pursue her release.

Pandit's statement was published in the Hindustan Times in which he described Gaidinliu as the daughter of the Hills and gave her the title of “Rani Gaidinliu” or Rani of her people. He compared her with Joan-de Arc of France and Rani Luxmi Bai of Jhansi.

Pt. Nehru also wrote to Lady Aston, M.P. in London to do something for the release of Rani Gaidinliu but the Secretary to the British India Govt. flatly rejected her request stating that trouble may rise again if Rani was released. Lady Aston replied to Nehru with regret.

When India became free, Rani Gaidinliu was released on P.M. Nehru's order from Tura jail on 14-10-1947 after serving the prison term of 14 years in various jails in Gauhati, Aijawl, Tura, Shillong and elsewhere. She was however not allowed to return home at her native village in Manipur that she stayed at Vimrap Village of Tuensang with her younger brother Marang till 1952. It was a tearful re-union of sister and brother when they could not communicate well in their mother tongue at that time. (Due to long separation of nearly 2 decades).

When Rani Gaidinliu was at her native Longkao (Nungao) Village in Manipur, she could not tolerate the threat to her life and religion “Heraka” posed by the Baptist based NNC movement. She went underground once again in 1960 along with her 400 followers and soldiers called “Kampai”. Many of her followers were killed at Man-du (Bandu) village near Tousem during a long encounter with NNC soldiers that she had to hide at Magulong cave near Barak (Agu) bank for 3 years.

She came overground in 1966 under an agreement with the Govt. of India. During her stay at Kohima, she was conferred “Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award” in 1972, Padma Bhushan (1981), Vivekananda Seva Award (1983) and she returned to Longkao (Nungao) in 1991 till she passed away on 17.02. 1993 at her ripe age of 78.

The Governor of Manipur, His Excellency Chintamani Panigrahi, Home Secretary of Nagaland, Officials of Manipur and many people from all parts of the North Eastern region attended her funeral function at her native village on 29.2.1993.

At Imphal, the Chief Minister of Manipur R.K. Dorendro Singh, Deputy Chief Minister, Rishang Keishing and many people paid floral tributes and a general holiday was declared by the State Government. Rani Gaidinliu was also conferred “Birsha Munda Award” Posthumously. She was an outstanding lady of Political, Social, Religious and humanitarian dimensions.

At her later age, she worked for the unity of her people and to find a dignified homeland through peaceful means of democracy. Rani Gaidinliu was great socio-religious leader and Veteran Freedom Fighter. She was a living Goddess, a legendary figure and a revered mother symbol of the oppressed people.



Courtesy:e-pao.net and The sangai express

Napkaodai: A festival of Zeliangrongs
By:Dr Budha Kamei

Napkaodai is one of the important ritual festivals of the Zeliangrong people of North East India. Napkao literally means the calling of the paddy (Nap=paddy, Kao=to call,). It is also known as seed sowing festival. It is celebrated for one day in the month of February-March. It is a festival of worship of Tingkao Ragwang for successful cultivation and plentiful harvest. (Chamdin Then: Changbi, vol-1, Imphal, 1973, p.3.) In this festival, a big pig is killed invoking to the supreme God, Tingkao Ragwang for bountiful crop of the year. This ritual is performed at the residence of Napmupou (Napmu Kaibang) who is the in-charge of agricultural rites of the village. (Gangmumei Kamei: The History of Zeliangrong Nagas from Makhel to Rani Gaidinlu, Spectrum Publications, Guwahati/Delhi, 2004, p.310.). The spleen of the pig is carefully observed in search of good sign. This is locally recognised as Gaukpai Jaomei (Gauk=pig, Pai-spleen, Jaomei=to observe). This is followed by oblation of holy wine to the Supreme God and Ditingmei (God of Earth) including the village deity and ancestors of the village for well being and prosperity. Then, the pig is roasted and cut into pieces including the liver (Kathin) and distributed to every household of the village for ritual offering called Nap-chanmei. (TC Hoson: The Naga Tribes of Manipur, '96, p.172.) Each family also performs Napkao ceremony in which a fowl is offered to the supreme God for abundant harvest in the year. (Gangmu-mei Kamei: opcit). Another important ritual of the festival is called Napphun Keimei which means seed sowing (Naphun=paddy seed, Keimei=to sow). For this ritual, a piece of land is dug out at the paddy field (Laupuk) of Napmupou and some paddy seeds are sown therein with relevant hymns. It is carried out by Napmupei, wife of Napmupou. After rain, if the seeds sprout well it is calculated a rich harvest in the year otherwise a poor harvest. (Personal interview with Moirangchao Goldaimei (78), Napmupou, a residence of Langthabal Khoupum, Imphal west on 26th March 2010.) In the afternoon, the village elders will walk in procession from one end of the village to the other end singing seed sowing songs for successful cultivation and rich crop. This is known as Lauphun Lu Shonmei in local dialect. It will start from Napmukaibang. At the end of the March, they will return at the same place and will sing Katu. At the same time some elders will sing Majalu (song of the paddy) inside the house. (Ibid.) In the evening of the particular day, each household mother performs Napchanmei ceremony in which some pieces of cooked rice (taken out from the first part of the pot before it is served to anybody else) and cooked liver of the sacrificed pig (Guak-kathin) mixed with salt are placed on the top of three stones of the hearth for bountiful harvest. It is believed that the Goddess of wealth locally known as Champei resides on the hearth stone. After this festival, the villagers are allowed to sow seeds at their respective paddy field or jhumland. Thus, Napkaodai is an important ritual festival celebrated by these people.

Courtesy : The Sangai Express and Manipur page.

- The most important festival observed by Zeliangrong -
:Lanbilung Golme


GAAN-NGAI is the most important festival observed by the Zeliangrong of North East India. The Zeliangrongs belief, pattern of society and cultural practices are found in this festival.

This is why, apart from the religious connection, it is regarded as an identified festival. Gaan-Ngai carries wide ranges of meanings. It denotes the seasonal and Philosophical ideas. It is a winter festival as Gaan means winters.

It has also the connotation of opening the darkness to light. In short, Gaan-Ngai is the festival of winter in post harvest period and also festival to ensure happiness and prosperity as light to the darkness.

1. Origin (and Genesis) of Gaan-Ngai:

There is a myth which explains the origin of Gaan-Ngai. The myth tells that after the creation of this universe including earth by Tingkao Ragwang, life began on the earth. Men and gods had a common dormitory called khangchu in house of Tingpu Rengsonnang.

In this dormitory men and gods were not friendly and men were placed at the mercy of gods. Men suffered at the hand of gods. Later on, men with their wisdom appeared in the physical form of bee (khoidai) and bit the gods.

The gods then fled away from men and the dormitory. Men achieved peace and security As the ages passed the number of men multiplied. Thingpu Rengsonnang the householder of the dormitory, visited the surroundings of the village and he found vegetation and rich condition of fertility.

He proclaimed that the villagers should go for cultivation and then received good harvest. The people after the monotonous harvesting labour decided to offer their crops to the creator and almighty God, Tingkao Ragwang for his blessing and to protect their lives.

They also decided to offer the taste of their crops to the departed souls they celebrated festival for the purposes in the Gaan-bu (Month of Gaan) . Later on, from this myth the philosophy behind the Gaan-Ngai has been evolved.

2. Facets of Gaan-Ngai: 

Gaan-Ngai bears different aspects and dimensions. It may be seen as a religious as well as a cultural festival. The religion and cultural characters express the identity. In the midst of these features, social activities are also inspirable.

3. Religious Aspect of Gaan-Ngai:

The religious aspects of Gaan-Ngai may be classified into
(a) prayer to Tingkao Ragwang, the Creator and Almighty god
(b) tribute to the departed soul
(c) sacrifice and ritual to the gods and goddesses of the lower realm including the duties of village and areas.

4. Worship of Tingkao Ragwang, the Creator and Almighty God:

Worshipping Tingkao Rangwang, the Creator and Almighty God is also involved through the offering of the first taste of meals and drinks on many occasions of Gaan Ngai. Napchanmei ceremony which is performed on the fourth day of Gaan-Ngai is a part of worshipping of Tingkao Ragwang.

5. Tribute to the departed souls:

Tribute to the departed souls is the central theme and indispensable part of Gaan Ngai. Farewell to the departed souls is accompanied by tribute and homage. Souls after the separation from body live in the land called Taroilam.

It is the land of the dead where the souls of men go and have another world. There is a god presiding over the land called Taroigong. The belief is supplemented by the tale of Meijipou who visited to the land through the grace of Taroigong. Reference also may be made from the packets of food called "Thei Napdom" buried along with the dead bodies.

There is a belief that the soul of a person who had passed away after the preceding Gaan-Ngai have not yet made his or her final departure from the living families and villagers though they are already in "Taloilam". Tribute and homage to these departed souls are done by the individual families and the dormitories like Chinch, Loch, Mathematic Kaibang and Pekoe and so on.

6. Ritual and sacrifice to the gods and goddesses of the lower realm: 

Ritual and sacrifice are performed to the various gods and goddesses generally considered to be the gods of the lower realm, including the village gods, (Bamboo and shong).

The pantheon of these gods consist of Raglan, Vishnu (Bunching) Napsinmei, Karanguang, Koklou, Chonchai, Charakilongmei and Dimei. These gods are workshipped to protect the village from natural calamities and misfortunes. This ritual and sacrifice is performed on the last day of the festivals.

7. Cultural Aspect: 

Religion demands cultural expressions to achieve its spiritual contentment. Religious obligations have been completed only with the cultural expression. The Gaan Ngai is transformed into the cultural activities by the institutions like Chinch, Mathematic Kaibang (institution of Married Women) andPeikai (Council of the village elders). All these institutions execute their works and duties assigned to them.

8. The Role of Khangchu and Luchu:

The main part of Gaan-Ngai and its activities are carried out by Chinch and Loch. The dormitories of Boys and Girls. From the beginning till the end of the festival these institution carried out the entire programme of the festival The following are the items carried out by the Chinch and Loch along with other institutions.

9. Gucheng Phaimei: 

On the beginning day of Gaan-Ngai, before the commencement of works, "Gucheng Phaimei" is conducted at first early in the morning. This is throwing out the pieces of ginger both at the end of the village.

There is a religious consideration that the people are going to have a function and evil forces should not disturb the activities of the people. The Zeliangrongs consider ginger to be the representation of cleanliness from the evil forces.

It is used frequently in many rituals and sacrifice. One tells the writer that ginger represents the fingers of the formless Creator and Almighty God Tingkao Ragwang.

10. Gakpai Jaomei: 

In the early morning, after Gucheng Phaimei on the first day of Gaan-Ngai, Gakpai Jaomei is performed by the members of Chinch~ and elders of the village are also invited. It is a ceremony of predicting the future of the vi11age from the spleen of pig offered to Tingkao Raglan for his blessing.

The spleen of pig is examined by the village elders. After it, the members of Chinch enjoy a feast including the village elders known as "Jeigan Tumei".

11. Taophai Dangjongmei: 

It is carried out in afternoon of the beginning day of the festival. It is exclusively throwing of stone to compete for distance and long jump. Before inaugurating this kind of sports the members of Khangchualong with "Hoi Kaomei" (Pronouncing Ho-Ho-Ho in geometrical pattern).

In other word, it is called "Hoi Gammei". The march with "Hoi Kaomei is concluded at the point of the selected place for the sports.

The chief and privileged elders open• the sports in jumping and throwing stone with hymns for the prosperity of the village. It is followed by the competition among the sportive youths. The winners of the sports are not given prizes but they are required to pay fees called "Shon" for declaring and acknowledging his power and ability.

12. Mairapmei (Traditional way of producing fire): 

In the evening, after the gathering of the members at the Chinch, Mairapmei is performed at Chinch Kai. Then they move from door to door to produce fire for each family. Each family is required to cook their food from this fire. A new life has begun with the new fire.

13. Napcha Tukaronmei:

In the evening unmarried men and girls who belonged to Chinch and Loch visit every member houses to enjoy the delicious foods under the supervision of their respective leaders. (Tuna Munsinmei in the care of girls who supervises and it appears similarity with Ningol Lakpa).

14. Kaidapmei:

In the evening of the same day, two or more persons are chosen by the leaders of the Chinch to go to each house to announce the stem punishment if they are found quarrelling or inciting violence during Gaan-Ngai. It simply means that any undesirable incidents are not preferred during Gaan-Ngai.

15. Tamchan Jouchanmei:

The second day of Gaan-Ngai both the Kangchu and Loch perform Tamchan Jouchanmei. It is the joint distribution by Chinch and Loch from their collection of meats, drinks, vegetables to other dormitories like Pekoe, Mathematic Kiang, Karapei Kiang, Napmu Kiang.

These distributions are accompanied by dances and these dances are known "Tamchan lam". The dance is performed only by girls who are the members of Loch. The songs sung are called "Tam Chanlu".

16. Tuna Gaan-Lam: 

Tuna Gaan Lam is performed usually on the third day of Gaan-Ngai. The variation of days is visible from locality to another locality caused by the number of required houses for the dances.

Again Tuna-Gaan lam may be classified into three

(a) dance performed in the recognition of newly admitted member to Kangchu and Loch. Again if it is performed in recognition for the newly member family of the locality, it is called Namteng Lam. It may be grouped together as recognition dance.

(b) Tuna-Gaan lam is also performed in honour to the persons who have been promoted to the higher ranks as the Zeliangrong society is based on hierarchical system. It is simply called "Kadimei".

(c) Tuna-Gaan lam is also performed in tribute to the departed souls and it is a religious consideration. It is named as "Thei Kadimei",

17. Napchanmei:-

It is a religious aspect of the festival. It is jointly performed by Chinch and the respective families of the village. A pig has been offered to Tingkao Raglan for blessing to ensure for more longer duration of consumption the crops stored.

The cooked pieces of pork are distributed to every family. Again the elders of the families keep the piece of pork with the fresh cooked and uneaten drops of rice to the oven and rice pot pronouncing Hymn .

18. Tuna-Gaan Ngai:- 

It is common that Tuna Gaan-Ngai is conducted on the third day or fourth day of the festival. Both at Chinch and Loch, the unmarried jointly make gathering.

Distribution of fresh or dried pieces of meat, small packet of salt and chilly are made to all the participants and the members enjoy rice beer distributed to them. This is called "Tuna-Gan Joulu".

After the conclusion the leaves on which the distribution are covered and closed and then these are given to the ranked elders of the village. It has very significant religious aspect.

An observation and investigation into the practices reveals the religious ethic concerning with Toroilam and Heaven. The pronouncement of each member in the ceremony to meet in the world after death, Taroilam before drinking rice beer (those who do not drink wet their cheek with a drop of rice beer) bear significant meaning.

It is translated and elaborated in such way that every unmarried members has made commitment to safeguard his or her character concerning for the journey of soul to Taroilam and Heaven. From one Gaan-Ngai the morality of unmarried has been cautioned and it is called "Pon-Nimmei"

19. The Kadimei:- 

It is a religious aspect followed by cultural activities. Any member of Chinch and Loch who had passed away in the period preceding Gaan-Ngai has not yet made final departure and their souls are in between men's world and Taroilam.

Now farewell to the departed soul with homage and tribute is given. The tributes are expressed in form of dances and feasts provided by the concerned families to his or her comrades.

20. Kadimei:-

It is a social aspect, promotion to higher ranks organized during Gaan-Ngai. Promotion from Chinch to Pekoe, promotion to honorary post of chief from lower ranks are conducted in the festival~ promotion to these posts are not given by resolution or appointment order but by songs, dances and other cultural activities, Each family or the village plays significant role in Gaan-Ngai.

On the beginning day of Gaan-Ngai, offerings are made on the graves to the departed souls of their respective families. Families arrange feast or offer drinks and meal to the party who visited to their houses on the duty assigned by the Chinch.

The members of Pei are invited to every meal of Chinch and also to read the spleen of pig on the beginning day. They also make special gathering to enjoy the meat and drinks distributed by Chinch and Loch. They lead the opening ceremony of "Taophai Dangjongmei".

At the closing day ritual and sacrifice performed to the various gods are led by the eldest of Pekoe and they are assisted by the members of Chinch. The gods are the eight brother gods, namely Raguang, Vishnu, Naptime, Karagong, Koloa, Chongchai Charakilongmei and Dimei.

Besides these gods, deities like bamboo (village deities) and shong (Area deities) are included in offering sacrifice. Gaan-Ngai bears the importance from social gathering to the religious belief with cultural activities. It also requires the involvement of the entire villagers from children to the aged groups.

It is a religious festival. People pray to the almighty gods Tingkao Raglan. People pray to the earthly god and goddess for blessing. It is a festival of social promotion Gaan-Ngai provides recognition, the promotion of any person to the higher heirarchical rank of the society. It also inspire and encourage game and sport. 




Courtesy : e-pao.net

Thendai Khangchu - Keeping alive the tradition -

Inspite of sweeping changes brought about by Westernisation and modernisation, keeping alive the tradition of Thendai Khangchu (male dormitory) and its allied Luchu (female dormitory), where the young Kabui boys and girls are groomed and trained to lead a disciplined life to shoulder their social responsibilities when they come out of their age, for the last 116 years is no mean achievement. "Actually, the celebration could have been more appropriate if it had been celebrated 16 years ago when the Thendai Khangchu completed a century of its existence. But due to some unprecedented lapses, this milestone in the history of Kakhulong was overlooked," explained Chaoba Kamson, the convenor of The Thendai Khangchu Centenary Observation Committee. Set up in 1891 amidst the wreckages of the Anglo-Manipuri war, the present male dormitory has been taking the charge of running the Khangchu continuously, thus achieving a rare feat. According to family members of KC Kabui, the present keeper of Thendai Khangchu of Kakhulong, their great grandfather Budipou, an employee in the then Treasury Office, first started settlement at the present site of the village after the earlier inhabitants either fled or were chased away by the Britishers after the defeat of Manipur in the Anglo-Manipuri war. Since then the tradition of Thendai Kangchu is being maintained down the years without any interruption. Kabui traditions say that Tingpurengshonnang, a God-incarnate was the first keeper or owner of Khangchu by divine sanction of Tingkao Ragwang, the supreme God of the Kabui pantheon. During those days, gods, men and all other creatures not only shared a common language, but a common Khangchu as well. Tingpurengshonnang imparted different branches of knowledge to all the inmates of his Khangchu until differences cropped up among the inmates after they were made to part from the Khangchu and went their separate ways. Religious and cultural practices, discipline and social hierarchy which are the very essence of Khangchu today are believed to be the legacy handed down directly from Tingpurengshonnang. On the social significance of the tradition of Khangchu, A Kamson, a senior village elder, explained that works of Khangchu are multifarious. Along with shouldering major share in carrying out traditional festivals like Gaan-Ngai, Rih-Ngai, Nanu-Ngai, Gudui-Ngai, etc, the members of Khangchu are also responsible for providing security to the village in times of war, helping the victims in times of natural calamities such as earthquake, flood, landslides, etc and maintenance of village roads, ponds, etc during peace time, he said. But most importantly, it is during their stay at Khangchu and Luchu that the young boys and the girls are trained by the Khangbon and Tunamunsitmei (caretakers of the male and female dormitories respectively) to lead disciplined life and learn various trades so that they can shoulder the responsibility of the society when they grow up, Kamson said. Defiling the sanctity of Kangchu or Luchu is dealt with severely, he added. Tomorrow's (12 Dec, 2007) celebration would be marked by offering oblation of holy wine to Tingkao Ragwang (the supreme god), shouting of Hoi, invoking the blessing of god through signing of hymns, performance of cultural dances, singing of folk songs and other cultural programmes. A souvenir would also be released to mark the historic event. The occasion definitely calls for a celebration, and that is precisely what the members of the Thendai Khangchu and Luchu at Kakhulong, a tiny Kabui settlement, located in the heart of Imphal city is gearing up for with the establishment of its Thendai Khangchu turning 116 years tomorrow. ** The Kabuis celebrated completion of 116 years of the institution of the Thendai Khangchu on December 12, 2007.

Courtesy : The Sangai Express and E-pao.net

Kabui Messiah
RIH-NGAI : A war festival

By :Lallunglu Kamei


The Kabuis or Rongmeis, one of the Zeliangrong brothers of the western hills are the most primitive groups of the Indian tribe and they develop a deep taste for dance and music. The Kabui Naga dance, known popularly throughout India, accompanied with drum beatings enhances the liveliness and intrinsic interest of its audiences and sway their hearts as the dancers move. 'Laam' meaning dance in Rongmei dialect depicts the true individuality of the Rongmeis. 

• Gaan Ngai Laam,
• Tamchan Laam,
• Gaanpi Kadimei Laam,
• Khangbon Kadimei Laam,
• Karapei Kadimei Laam,
• Tun Ngai Laam, etc

performed at different specific times of the year.

Gaan Ngai, for instance, the biggest festival of the Kabuis celebrated in the month of January by Manipur valley Kabuis and usually in December by hill Kabuis, is also marked by different kinds of dances. These dances are performed as a mark of promotion from a lower to a higher rank in the hierarchical social order as those of Gaanpi Kadimei and Khangbon Kadimei Laam.

And as for Karapei Kadimei Laam, it is performed to welcome an old woman into the women society, 'Karapei' meaning old woman in Kabui dialect. Dances are also performed as an act of social service as a cleanliness drive during the rainy season like the 'Tun Ngai Laam'.

These dances are performed in a varied ways, some only by unmarried women, some only by married women but most of them are performed by a mixture of both boys and girls.

Dances such as 'Mun Poumei Laam', 'Khong Poumei Laam', 'Chang Poumei Laam', 'Tariang Pangbian Poumei Laam', etc are also specific dances performed as acts of presenting flowers locally called 'Mun' to boys and girls and also as an act of inauguration of a new drum locally called 'Khong'. These dances are specially demonstrated with hand movements depicting the main action and purpose.

Last but not the least, the 'Ballu Laam', the dance of the gods also has several categories of dances.

• The 'Hoi Laam',
• the 'Zeihsung Laam',
• the 'Zouhmon Patmei Laam',
• the 'Goipi Thengmei Laam',
• the 'Banjai Laam',
• the 'Baan Laam', etc

are all parts of the Ballu Laam.

These individual dances are performed in groups by males alone, some by females alone and some by both the sex. The Zeihsung Laam, a dance performed by males alone and Zouhmon Patmei Laam, by females alone in a row with decorated gourd pointed forward 'Zouhmon' meaning rice beer.

'Goipi Thengmei Laam' also performed by males alone where each male dancer approach towards the cattle head 'Goipi' which is swung in a pole high above and whoever snatch and brings it down is declared victorious.

As in the 'Banjai Laam', both the male as well as the female dancers take part joining hands together. Each dance suggests a different meaning along with its constitution and steps.

The most significant feature of the Ballu Laam is that the dances are to be performed overnight without stoppage till the next morning, following the right feet and hand movements but the steps differ from song to song for various dances. The Kabuis consider it a blessing to be a part of these dances.

Kabui Naga dance is revolved around the supervision of the local social institution like Peikai,Khangchu, Luchu and Mathenmei Kaibang which are the houses of the village elders, the males, the females and the women society respectively.

These customs are according to the age long tradition and all these dances are led by dance leaders, the 'Lamrenpou'. The dance usually begins with an introductory dance called 'Ban Karaimei' and concludes with a farewell dance called the 'Thian Sonmei' followed by the traditional 'Hoi'.

Kabui Naga Dance reflects a unique character of the Kabuis and this alone outshines the other tribes of Manipur. And it is around this culture that they stand united till today and show their true worth as Kabuis.




Courtesy: e-pao.net and Sangai express.

'Kabui Messiah': The Jadonong Movement in Manipur
   By: John Parratt and Saroj N. Arambam Parratt
Introduction

No doubt due in part to its ethnic diversity, the northeastern corner of India has since the beginning of the present century been a fruitful area for innovative tribal and ethnic movements. The earliest of these was probably the Kuki Confederacy, which was an outcome of Kuki armed resistance to the British in 1917-1919. The Tangkhul Naga Long (Assembly) came into being soon after, and around independence there arose several ethnic po�litical groupings - the Hmar Congress and National Union, the Mizo Un�ion, the Naga National Council, and so on. This paper focusses on the precursor of two closely allied Naga movements, the Zeliangrong Council and the Manipur Zeliangrong Union, both of which were formed in 1947 and sought to bring together the Semei, Liangmei and Rongmei Nagas(1). In tracing the historical roots of these movements we hope to show how im�portant a role the traditional Naga religion played in early resistance to British rule and in the formation of a cohesive Zeliangrong identity.

The Historical Background to the Jadonong Movement

The state of Manipur came under the facto British control towards the end of 1891(2). Its central fertile valley, the home of the Manipuris or Meiteis, was administred by a Political Agent responsible to the Manipur Durbar. The surrounding ranges of hills - comprising some two thirds of the total land area of the state and inhabited by various Naga and Kuki groups �came under direct British administration, each hill tract having its own Sub-Divisional Officer. The Kabui, or Rongmei, Nagas occupied the hills to the north west of the valley around the district headquarters at Tamenglong. The Kabuis formed a homogenous group with the Zemei Nagas of the adjacent North Cachar Hills and the Liangmeis of south west Naga Hills. Interspersed between them were the Kukis, later migrants who had settled in previously unoccupied regions of the hills. When the Kukis rose in revolt against British domination in 1917 the conDict spilled over into inter-tribal warfare between Kukis and Nagas with much bloodshed on both sides(3). The hill tracts, some virtually inaccessible, were difficult for the British to control, and resources were seldom adequate for the task. From the beginning of the twentieth century a new factor intruded into the Kubuis' primal world as Christian missions began their work in the Manipur hills(4). Thus by the 1920s there were in place a number of those elements - resentment of colonial control, inter-ethnic animosities, new relig�ious claims - which act as catalysts to messianic movements.

The cult which Jadonong inspired, then, did not emerge out of a politi�cal and religious vacuum. Indeed there is a sense in which it and the com�plementary movement of Jadonong's more famous follower and successor, Gaidinlui, can be seen as part of a continuum, for north east India had experienced several such messianic movements before.(5) Jadonong's most immediate predecessor was a Kachari, Sambudan. Beginning his career as a healer Sambudan had attracted a large following. He subsequently claimed that he was inspired by the spirits to lead a rebellion against the British. Sambudan occupied and fortified the old Kachari capital at Maibang and quickly established his authority over the surrounding vil�lages. He claimed that he had been given secret knowledge, and that he had rediscovered the writing which, according to their myths, the Nagas believed they had lost in ancient times. He also promised his followers magical immunity from British bullets. Sambudan's followers eventually challanged a force of British police sent to arrest him and were dispersed with much bloodshed. Sambudan himself subsequently died of his wounds. Though his mission was a failure it gave rise to the hope of a new saviour who would fulfil the task which Sambudan had set himself of liberating the Nagas from foreign rule. Jadonong thus grew up in an atmosphere laden with messianic expectations.

The Religious Background: Kabui Religion

Though Jadonong's religious ideas emerged at a time when the two dominant religions of Hinduism and Christianity were impinging upon the primal soul, they were nonetheless firmly rooted in Kubui traditional culture and religion(6). This religion centred around the veneration of numerous deities or spirits, who were patrons of villages or places of numinous significance and were often associated with the animal and plant creation. There was also an ancestral deity, Khairao, who seems to have been conceived of as less an individual god than as the sum of the departed souls. Khairao was the bringer of death and punished with misfortune those who violated accepted custom. Khairao also acted as protector of the family group. His special place was the hearth stones, where libations of wine and offerings of rice were made to him. Other offerings were made to the many deities, especially blood sacrifices of pigs, chickens, dogs and �most costly of all - mithuns(7). As is common in primal systems there was a high god, Ragwang ('the king of the gods'), the eternal and heavenly creator, sustainer of the world and upholder of justice. Ragwang was concei�ved in anthropomorphic terms and believed to have a consort and seven sons. He had no shrines or special places of worship. The deities were approached through mediators. The most important of these religious functionaries was the mhu, in two grades, the mhu-zung (superior mhu) and the reitu-mhu (junior mhu). These offices were not herediatry. The mhu's primary functions were as diviner and as prescriber of sacrifices. As diviner the mhu either read omens or communicated with the spirits in trance. In his way he discovered the cause of sickness or misfortune, which was usually attributed to breach of custon. He would then prescribe the type of sacrifice required to placate the offended spirit. The mhu also offered sacrifice on behalf of the whole community at times of harvest or calamity. At the same time the mhu could also function as a herbalist healer, preparing concoctions of plants. These skills were said to have been imparted to the primeval mhu in mythical times.

The Kabui primal religion linked mankind closely with the natural creation. One aspect of this was the sacredness of certain animals and reptiles, foremost among which was the python.(8) The python represented the deity. If one were captured it was thought to be especially propitious. The python was then cut up and parts distributed and venerated. The Ka�bui especially associated the python with Lake Zeilt, off the west bank of the Barak river, which became a sacred place of the Jadonong movement. Kabui mythology (in common with that of other Naga groups) asserted that men first emerged from a primeval cave, the 'womb' of creation. Jadonong's cave temple at Bhuvan drew on this tradition. Observance of genna was especially important to the Nagas. These were 'holy days' and could be kept both at family and at village level. During the genna all work was suspended and the village was strictly closed to outsiders(9). Gennas were imposed for a multitude of reasons and occasions, some of which were very trivial(10). Breach of a genna was a serious matter and resulted in the spirits punishing the violator with sickness or even death.

The Religious Background: Hinduism

Fused with this sub-structure of primal religion in Jadonong's thought there is some evidence of the influence of Hinduism. While the Naga peoples have never been Hindus, by the 1930s they had been in contact with Hindu belief and ritual for over a century for the Meiteis had adopted Vaishtta�vism under royal patronage during the eighteenth century. There had been frequent contact between the Meiteis and the hill peoples from an early date, and indeed for long periods the Meiteis exercised suzerainity over the hills. Furthermore the birth places of both Jadonong and Gaidinlui lay on the main route from Imphal to Cachar, and they could therefore scarcely have failed to have had some idea, however confused, of aspects of the Hindu religion. The construction of Jadonong's second temple at Kambiron had several features which appear to have been borrowed from Hinduism, most obviously an enclosed shrine with male and female clay figures. Jadonong himself claimed that these represented Ragwang and his consort, but at the same time explicitly identified these Kabui deities with Vishnu and his wife(11). The representation of the high god and the provi�sion of a temple for him are unknown in Naga religion, and must be an importation from Hinduism. Jadonong claimed that these insights were revealed to him on his 'pilgrimages' to the shrine of Bhishnu at Bhovan cave. According to Gangumei, Kabui tradition identified the Bhishnu of Bhuvan with Khangrillung. This deity is supposed to have succeeded to the throne of Ragwang and to have expelled his younger brother, who then set himself up away to the west in the Bhuvan Hills(l2). However the coincidence of the names, Bhishnu with Vishnu - is so close that we can scarcely avoid the conclusion that by the 1920s the god Khangrillung had become Hinduised and identified with Vishnu. This is a process which is very common in Manipur. It is also significant that Jadonong is said to have appointed a Manipuri brahmin to be in charge of the cave shrine(l3). The fact that it was used as a place of blood sacrifice is quite consonant with Saktism which is wide spread in Assam(l4). All this would seem to point to a fair degree of Hindu influence upon the cult(15).

The Religious Background: Christianity

Downs(l6) claimed that Jadonong's 'Kampai' movement was pronoucedly anti-Christian and that it violently opposed Christian missions. The Naga writer Asoso Yonuo(l7) is in substantial agreement, and argued that Jadonong saw Christianity as destructive of the tribal customs which he wanted to uphold, and identified the Christian missions with the colonial power(18). There is much truth in this view: however it would be wrong to see opposition to Christianity as the primary focus of Jadonong's movement. Christian contact in the north west Manipur hills went back as far as about 1910 with the first attempts at the evangelisation of the Kabuis by Angami Naga converts. The success of this evangelisation was however very limited, and nowhere as great as among the Angamis themselves or the Kukis. Largely as a result of the Manipur revival converted Kuki evangelists had subsequently moved into the region until they reached the Barak valley. The revival entered Manipur from the south, from the Lushai (Mizo) Hills around about 1922, and soon spread to the Kuki chruches and to the Tangkhul Naga Christians. During the 1920s there was increased contact between Kuki Christians and the Zeliangrong, as Kuki evangelists moved into the north western hills of Manipur. As it developed the revival not only resulted in several thousand baptisms but also took on characteristically 'Pentecostal' features - prolonged prayer meetings marked by emotional and ecstatic utterances, emphasis on dreams and visions, and strong millennial overtones. The American Baptist missionaries in Manipur condemned the excesses of the revival (Crozier even called it satanic). Some of these charismatic features were not dissimilar to aspects of traditional Kabui shamanism, and while it is probably unlikely that Jadonong consciously borrowed from these enthusiastic manifestations of Christianity it is at the same time not impossible that he saw in them an effective means of stirring up religous fervour and manipulated them for his own ends. That Jadonong was not unfamiliar with Christian worship is clear from the structure of the first temple be built at Kambiron, with its 'pulpit', and its ritual of prayer, singing and lustrations. It is also significant that he was called not only by the Hindu honorific of 'guri' but also by the Christian term 'messiah'.

Jadonong's Rise to the Status of Prophet

Jadonong was born of peasant stock in 1905 in the village of Kabui Kambiron, a staging place on the old Imphal to Cachar road. His father belonged to one of the smaller clans and had two wives. Jadonong was the second son of the senior wife, Chunlunglui, who came from a wealthier and more influential moeity. His father's death while Jadonong was still a child seems to have drawn him very closely to his mother and also to his elder brother, Mudunang. Jadonong was clearly an unusual child, and there are oral traditions which attribute to him miraculous deliverances, long trances, second sight, and ability to predict the future. All this was taken to indicate that he was destined to become a mhu. Tradition has it that when he was about thirteen there occurred one of those periodic flowerings of the bamboos which covered the hills near his home. This event is invaria�bly accompanied by a plague of rats which attack the bamboos and at the same time devour the rice crops. Jadonong is said to have urged the elders of the village that it had been revealed to him that they should sacrifice a mithun to the god of the Bhuvan cave(19). After some hesitation they are said to have done so, and this had the effect of ensuring good harvests, free from vermin, for the remainder of Jadonong's lifetime.

At about the same time, 1917-19, the Kukis broke out in revolt, and though Kambiron does not seem to have been in the front line of the conflict the village must have become all to familiar with troop movements. Gangumei(20) suggests that Kambiron preserved friendly relationships with the Kukis during this period, but it is very doubtful whether the conflict which scarred the Tamenglong area can have entirely by-passed Kambiron. In view of the subsequent pronouncedly anti-Kuki stance that Jado�nong took, and in particular his repeated references to Kabui girls who were alleged to have been tortured to death by the Kukis, one can only assume that Kambiron must have also suffered to some extent during the Kuki uprising(21). To this period we must probably assign the beginnings of Jadonong's techning about the god of the Bhuvan cave. He claimed that he frst 'visited' the cave in trance, and that there he met the god Bhishou. In a typical shamanistic seance he saw the gods assembled, conversing over the fates of the souls of men, with the shamans pleading their cases before them. Jadonong was received with honour and allowed into the sanctuary of the god Bhishnu, and there entered into a covenant with the god's first son, Khangrillung(22). He subsequently went in search of this cave, which he found in the range of hills between the Barak and Jiri rivers on the borders of Manipur and Cachar, about twenty mildes from Binnekandi. The cave, some fifty feet high and with a sloping roof, resembled the Kabui ritual sacrifical house. It now became for Jadonong a holy shrine,(23) a place where he offered sacrifices and where, he claimed, he 'spoke with god'. Jadonong became recognised as a mhu and was formally appointed as such at Kambiron by the traditional sacrifice of a mithun. He was now a medicine man, an interpreter of dreams and a medium. His reputation as a reli�gious psychic and as a healer spread apace. Within a short time not only the Tamenglong area but also Cachar and even the Manipur valley felt his influence. Like most mhu Jadonong received gifts for his services, both in kind and in rupees. According to his own statement he received four annas for praying for the dead, a bottle of zu (rice beer) for interpreting a dream and three annas for a healing (the latter returnable if the cure was inef�fective). Kamibron soon became a place of pilgrimage for those in need and the centre of a rapidly growing cult, and Jadonong himself engaged also in an itinerant ministry. Besides healing he now turned his attention to rites for ensuring success. In trance he claimed he could determine the nature of the sacrifices required to guarantee good crops, and whole villa�ges were now advised to buy mithuns for the appropriate sacrifices. Elabo�rate rituals were devised, with dances and new hymns and prayers. The cult now began to be institutionalised, with Kambiron as its headquarters, and Jadonong ordered the building of 'temples'. The temples were called by the traditional Kabui term 'High House' (kao kai) since they were built on stilts(24). Such houses for religious purposes (as opposed to social ones) were not a feature of Zeliangrong culture, and Jadonong justified this innovation by claiming that it had been revealed to him in a dream(25) Higgins, the Political Agent of Manipur, who later destroyed the buildings, left a detailed description of them. The first temple was built about 1929, and the second about six months before Jadonong's final arrest. The earlier temple resembled a simple church, with a pulpit from which Jadonong used to preach, some side benches ("like canons stalls in a cathedral") and four chairs ("each containing a dirty felt hat"), as well as a tin bath ("not much used", commented Higgins). Access to this temple was unrestricted. The other temple was more elaborate, and could be entered only by those bringing gifts. The main room also had side benches, but in the middle was a blood-stained block for sacrifices. At the far end was a shrine, with an ornamental stair leading up to it. The shrine contained two heavy clay figures of Nagas, painted black and dressed in miniature Kabui clothes, a clay mithun and several black stones. There was a platform above the shrine in which was another chair, and above the chair, coiled along the roof, a live python(26). The colonial records make mention of the gifts brought to Jadonong by his followers. This was frequently money, which the British assumed was being used to finance a Naga rebellion. More often, however, the gifts were animals for sacrifice, among which mithuns featured prominently. Christopher Gimson, the District Commissioner of Cachar, reported that all the Nagas asserted that their contributions to Jadonong were "for the benefit of the crops and the health of the village"(27). While it is true that it was a traditional practice for suppliants to bring sacrifices for the mhu to offer to the spirits for prosperity, Jadonong himself claimed that he did not ask for gifts. The British suspected that this was not the whole truth and that in some cases there was an element of coercion intended to increase Jadonong's control over reluctant villages.

By the end of 1927 the movement had become such an irritation to the Administration in Manipur that it was decided to apprehend Jadonong and bring him in for questioning. On 28th November Duncan, the SDO in Tamenglong, issued a warrant against hirn and a certain Namdichung of Kekru village on the grounds that they had spread false propaganda against the government, and that Jadonong was claiming that British rule would soon come to an end and that he would become king. Probably the inten�tion was to intimidate Jadonong, for he received only a week's sentence and was released from prison after just three days. From the British point of view this proved to be a serious miscalculation, though it is clear that there was insufficient concrete evidence against him and that at this stage the British probably had only a hazy idea of what his teaching really was.

Jadonong's Teaching

To attempt to reconstruct Jadonong's ideas is not easy and indeed one cannot assume that they were even very coherent. Most of the evidence comes from the colonial sources hostile to him, and his own statements were made under some duress and may not represent his true thinking. What does emerge is that his ideas were a mixture of Kabui religion and resentment at colonial dominance. It is clear that Jadonong wanted to effect a revival and purification of the primal religion. The name given to the movement - 'heraka' - means 'not impure', and was intended as a reaction against the denigration of heathenism by the Christians and as an affirmation of the value of the traditional ways. Furthermore it is evident that Jadonong saw himself as a reformer. Many of the more trivial justifications for gennas - for example those arising from the birth of domestic animals, as well as some of those arising from natural events (such as earthquakes) - were abandoned. Those which restricted public, agricultural or economic activity were also declared to be no longer binding. The ones which continued to be approved by Jadonong were mainly meant to ensure the positive welfare of crops, people and animals. In other respects he built upon the foundations of Kabui religious experience, shamanism and the sacrificial system. Belief in the spirits was not questioned, but by placing the high god Ragwang firmly in the centre he made a drastic reorientation of Naga spirituality. There is no doubt that this strong affrmation of the traditional religion caused him to come into conflict with the relatively small number of Kabui Christians. These converts were not permitted by their missionary mentors to observe the 'heathen' gennas. This caused some resentment and the expulsion of Christian Kabuis from some villages(28). The Christians among the Kukis were worried on two counts - as Christians they were opposed to primal religious practices and as Kukis they were the traditional enemies of the Kabuis. The Christian Kukis in Cachar approached Gimson for protection because of threats made against them by their Kabui neighbours. This pattern was repeated elsewhere. Indeed the phrase 'Kukis and Christians" recurs in the documentary sources time and again, and in such a way that it appears Jadonong saw them as a common enemy. It is also significant that there were Christians who eventually proferred damaging information about the cult. Religious antagonism therefore, and the real possibility of the persecution of the relatively small number of converts by Heraka, was one cause for the Administration's concern. But the essence of British disquiet was political rather than religious: who or what did Jadonong claim himself to be, and was the movement actively subversive of British control?

We have noted that Jadonong was regarded by his followers, and regarded himself, as a mhu. His initial reputation had been gained on the basis of his supposed healing powers, ability to secure good crop yields, and to placate the spirits by the appropriate sacrifices. Much of the evidence later collected by Higgins supported these claims, and those villages which sent - or were constrained to send - mithuns for sacrifice claimed they did so because they believed they would not prosper unless they did. Gimson used the somewhat inappropriate term 'sadhu' of Jadonong, presumably because he was regarded as a holy man. Higgins frequently called him by the Manipuri term for traditional priest, 'maiba'(29). All this indicates that Jadonong was seen primarily as a religious functionary. But other reports interpret the veneration given to him, and the sacrificial ani�mals presented to him, as an ascription in some sense of divinity(30) and the Kambiron elders told Higgins explicitly that 'Jadonong has been a maiba for more than four years and a god for two years'(3l). Gaidinlui said that he was called 'Ra' (ie Ragwang), though he never used this title of himself. But besides these appelations Jadonong was also given other titles. The most common of these seems to have been 'Kabiraj'. Some of the British officers, it is true, interpreted this also as a religious title(32), but in view of the role that the concept of a 'nagaraj' played in Jadonong's teaching it is probable that this title also had political overtones. And indeed it is not possible in primal cultures to make a clear distinction between the religous and the political. Jadonong's understanding of his own status (like that of all 'messiahs') depends fundamentally upon the task which he felt called to perform. Tlus task was unquestionably the establishment of a 'nagaraj', a Naga kingdom. While much of the evidence in the British sources for this was only collected after Jadonong's second arrest it is clear that the sub�stance contained in this evidence goes back much earlier into his career. Indeed it was, of course, only the disquiet which Higgins felt about Jado�nong's specifically political activities which necessitated his apprehension. This evidence is really quite formidable. Mills, acting on Higgins' behalf, concentrated on testimonies from Nagas and left aside what might be biased accusations from the Kabuis old enemies the Kukis. Not only Angamis and Tangkhuls but also Kabui and Kacha Nagas gave ample testimony to the fact the Jadonong was making preparations for war and for setting up a Naga kingdom. He claimed that he was fulfilling the old prophecies of the coming of a Naga king and that he was the 'fathers' who had died long ago(33). His disciple, Judi of Saramba, declared publically that 'the king of the Nagas has arisen and the day of the Nagas has come'(34). There was also evidence from eye-witnesses that Jadonong had ascended the pulpit in his temple and pretended the read from a piece of paper that the day of the Government of Manipur and the Kukis was over and time of the nagaraj had arrived. Judi stated that this same proclamation originated from Nungkao (Gaidinlui's village) which had also spread the rumour that the Kabuis would be victorious in war against the Kukis. Mills put it suc�cinctly in his report to Political Agent Higgings:

"Jadonong's claim was as follows: His day and that of the Kabui and Kacha Nagas had come at last. In three years all would be fulfilled ... the Kukis were to be exterminated within three years. Nagas were not to strike the first blow, but will be absolutely ready ... this was to be kept an absolute secret from Government. His claims as a healer were probably only a bait to attract adherents, as invalids who went with humble offerings of a rupee were told that their village ought to send in more substantial tribute in the form of a mithun. He is universally spoken of as 'the kind' or'the spirit king'(35).

It was clear that much of the money collected by Jadonong as tribute was being used to purchase weapons, and that at least some villages had con�tributed only under duress. Higgins(36) opined that the movement had grown up gradually with the increasing reputation of Jadonong. He suspected, though without any real hard evidence, that the Kacha Nagas had manipu�lated Jadonong's original religious movement and transformed it into a political one. He even conjectured that Angami Nagas might also be be�hind it. However, as he himself admitted with some frustration, 'it will be very difficult to get to the bottom of it'. How far Jadonong lost control of the movement when it took on more militant overtones and how far he was manipulated by more truculant villages bent on resistance and revenge, or indeed how far he may have been carried away by the enthusiasm of his impressionable priestess Gaidinlui - all these factors are impossible to determine with accuracy.

The Final Phase of the Movement

At any rate the movement moved swiftly to its final phase and took on an increasingly belligerant attitude towards both the Kukis and the British Administration in Manipur. Although it is well documented that the Kabuis did not adopt a 'strike first' strategy towards the Kukis, there can be little doubt that they were ready and eager to pay off old scores and that the prophetic propaganda machine was playing on their traditional animosity. In particular this was encouraged by the frequent references to Naga girls tortured and killed during the Kuki rebellion. The Kukis themselves were clearly frightened. Some villages had stopped working in their fields for fear of attack, and on the 1 March 1931 the President of the Manipur State Durbar received a long petition from a group of Kukis explaning why they felt that an attack on them was imminent. One of the reasons for their disquiet was that in the previous year the DO has been relocated from Tamenglong back to the capital, Imphal, which had left them the more exposed.

Concern at a possible outbreak of Naga-Kuki conflict was a major reason for Jadonong's rearrest. But a more important one was his perceived challenge to British authority. Jadonong had made no secret to his opposition to 'pothang' - the obligations imposed on villagers to provide food and porters for British officials. It is equally clear that he objected to those little acts of obsequiousness, such as removing head-gear in the presence of a white man, so dear to some in the British Raj. This had early on marked him out as a potential trouble maker. Then the British had received requests from villages to have their tax remitted because they had already given tribute to Jadonong's Nagaraj. By 1930 he was reported tobe telling his followers not to pay tax and not to obey the Manipuri officials and interpreters acting for the British. These were challanges no colonial government could afford to ignore. Higgins, probably because of information conveyed to him by his SDO in the North Cachar Hills, also had a suspicion that Jadonong, whether directly or indirectly, was coming under the growing influence of the Indian National Congress(37). While this is altogether unlikely(38) the rumour of such a dangerous connection cannot have failed to cause the British disquiet. By early 1931 Higgins decided the matter was getting out of hand. This happened to be a census year, and the enumerators who went to Kambiron(39) were sharply treated and refused access to the temples on the grounds that they were not dwellings. The off~cials thereupon reported this example of non-cooperation and claimed that the buildings were indeed occupied. At the same time Duncan (who had already arrested Jadonong once) reiterated his information that the Naga villages were presenting gifts to Jadonong and that he feared an alliance between the Kabuis and Angami Nagas. Higgins was convinced that Jadonong was actively advocating non-payment of tax for the coming year (1932) since by that time he claimed that the Nagaraj would be established(40). The Political Agent accordingly sent some Kabuis and a Manipuri official to arrest Jadonong in his home village of Kambiron. When they arrived there they were told that he had already left with a large band of followers on a pilgrimage to the shrine at the Bhuvan caves. Higgins thereupon cabled Gimson, the DC of Cachar, requesting him to apprehend Jadonong as he returned. This was accomplished at Lakbimpur with surprising ease. A constable in the Assamese police, Imtiaz Ali, invi�ted Jadonong into his house for a drink of zu and arrested him there without incident on l9th February(4l). Gaidinlui was later to claim that Jadonong had been warned by the spirits while at Bhuvan that he would not see another harvest, and that he was consequently too depressed to resist. His followers fled in disorder back to the Tamenglong hills and their leader was placed in Silchar jail. Though relieved at this easy catch Higgins was still concerned about a possible revolt. Consequently, in consultation with Mills, he immediately organised a strong military column under Major Bullfield which marched up through the disaffected villages. Higgins himself followed a few days later. On arrival at Kambiron he had the temples burnt and personally shot one of the sacred pythons(42). He then proceeded to Nungkao, where he interviewed Gaidinlui, who had by now returned to her home. He was unimpressed at what he called this 'rather surly little Kabui leishabi (unmarried girl)' and decided to take no action against her. It was to be a costly mistake. Though Higgins was personally inclined to think that the Kabuis were more misled than rebellious he was determined on a show of military strength to intimidate them and discou�rage them from further activity. Having collected Jadonong from Jirighat, on the Cachar-Manipur border, he detoured, marching his prisoner, in chains and shirtless, back to Imphal via Nungkao and Tamenglong and then deposited him in Imphal jail.

The Trial of Jadonong

Having safely apprehended his prisoner Higgins now had the task of proving a case against him. This turned out to be more difficult than he anticipated. In his statement Jadonong was careful to avoid all political pretensions and to claim that he was merely a maiba, communicating with god in dreams, reforming traditional worship, and supervising sacrifices. He had not, he claimed, asked for any tribute, had not received any money, and did not advocate war against the Kukis. He even denied ever having helped to build the temple in Nungkao. Higgins and Mills collected all the evidence they could from Nagas, but the results were inconclusive. Many witnesses denied they had ever heard Jadonong inciting to war or rebellion. Mills believed that there was a conspiracy of silence because (so he had heard it rumoured) Jadonong had threatened that anyone who spoke against him would die of sorcery. To his credit Higgins did not accept evidence against his prisoner from the Kukis, and consequently the investigation was proving tantalisingly inconclusive. But his followers seemed so frightened and demoralised that it appeared the affair might die a natural death.

At this point there occurred an extraordinary coincidence which produced evidence beyond Higgins' wildest expectations. In the March of the previous year four Manipuri betel leaf traders had disappeared while tra velling on the Cachar road. Their disappearance had been reported but the authorities had failed to trace them. Then in the January of 1931 a drunken brawl had taken place at one of the villages on the road and the truth had come out. One of the Kabuis, Lulungpo, in a condition of extreme inebriation, had danced about saying that he was wearing the hair of one of the dead Manipuris as a decoration. The news was soon afterwards reported to the British, with the further information that the victims had been murdered in the servant's quarters of the government bungalow at Kambiron itself. As it later transpired at the trials, the four had arrived at Kambiron at a time when a genna was being observed. Gaidinlui had apparently declared the genna in honour of the daughter of the deity Soraren(43) and the village had been closed for three days. Gaidinlui had consulted the goddess on what should be done with the Manipuris, who informed her that they should leave immediately or be killed. However they had entered, or been allowed to enter, and gone to the bungalow. Here they lit a fire, an act strictly forbidden during times of genna, and were at once set upon, shot and then beheaded(44). The bodies had been buried and the heads sent to four Kabui villages, including Nungkao. The perpetrators of this crime, who included Jadonong's brother Mudunang, were arrested, tried and sentenced to death(45).

Jadonong's role in the murders was crucial, and gave Higgins the opportunity he needed to cut ghrough the tangled web of confusing evidence about Jadonong's political activities and to put him on trial for a capital civil crime. Under cross-examination, however, Jadonong flatly denied any complicity in the killings and claimed that he was not even in Kambiron at the time. He had, he said, been in Gaidinlui's village of Nungkao and the first he had heard of the murders was when two of the accused arrived at Nungkao with a severed head. He had then waited two weeks before returning to Kambiron, where Gaidinlui had told him that her goddess had sanctioned the killings. He added:

"Last night the Bhuvan god who appeared to me in a dream came: He did not enter the jail, but spoke to me by the winds. He said that the murder was committed by divine order and that if I did not say so the rice would not grow and many men would be drowned."

His statement in court was not corroborated. Witnesses from Nungkao denied that he was there on the night of the murders(46). The only reason he could give to explain this evidence against him was that 'all the villagers drank zu and took an oath on iron that they would say that I was there' because 'probably they thought it was better I should die'(47). Jadonong was found guilty of abetment of murder and sentenced to death. He appealed in the June, repeating his assertion that he was not present at the scene of the crime, claiming that he had no influence over the Kabuis, and throwing the whole blame for the murders upon Gaidinlui(48). His appeal was rejected and he was hanged at Imphal jail on 29th August 1931.

The Continuing Influence of the Movement

The Manipur Administration believed they had crushed the Kabui mes�sianic movement. In reality it was only just beginning. Within a few months new prophets had sprung up all over the Manipur and Naga hills and in the plains of Cachar. One Rangtui gave himself out to be a prophet and offered resistance to a company of sepoys, and after his arrest Name�thing stepped into his shoes. A Kacha Naga, Rangkomba, announced he was a new messiah and commanded that all government taxes were hence�forth to be paid to him. In 1931 another Kacha Naga, Jinongpuri, proclai�med himself chief and offered a human head as a sacrifice to back his claims. Others impersonated Jadonong or claimed that they were hirn risen from the dead. As late as 1940 Gomtei was still trying to revive the mo�vement. But most troublesome of all was the 'little Kabui leishabi', the priestess Gaidinlui. She evaded arrest for two years, served a long period in detention, eventually founded a freedom movement which quite eclip�sed that of Jadonong, and gained the enthusiastic admiration of Jawahalal Nehru himself(49).

How can we assess Jadonong? Mukherjee portrays him as a skilful or�ganiser and as an acute politician, inspired in part by the example of Gandhi. Asoso Yonuo sees him as great patriot moved by his vision of a renewed and purified Naga religion to liberate his people from the colonial yoke. Even the careful and balanced Gangumei argues that he was a mar�tyr, innocent of the charge of complicty in murder for which he was con�demned. But all such judgments appear to be anachronisms resulting from the mythology which quickly surrounded the memory of Jadonong after his death. Jadonong's personal tragedy was that his own unshakable con�viction - even to the last when he was in prison - that he was controlled by the gods, led him ever deeper into the increasingly dangerous waters of the ethnic and political antagonisms of his little world which ultimately destroyed him. His movement does however stand as a striking example of the way in the primal worldview, during a period of acute political and religious change, acted as a focus point for resistance to colonial rule. The real importance of Jadonong perhaps lies in that his cause was taken up by his charismatic young priestess and assistant Gaidinlui, under whom the movement became more pronouncedly political and whose voice was still to be heard demanding a Zeliangrong 'raj' or homeland in the 1980s5�. Her full story, and that of her impact upon the tortured politics of north east India, remains to be written.

Jadonong left a continuing legacy both for the state of Manipur and also for north-east India as a whole. The search for a distinct Naga identity led to the Zeliangrong political associations of the 1940's; these, in their turn, were after independence a contributory factor in the struggle for a separate Naga nationhood and its suppression by successive Indian governments. As such Jadonong's legacy is still very much with us today.

References
1. The nomenclature is confusing. The Zemei and Liangmei Nagas are also known as the Kacha Nagas; the Kabuis are also called the Rongmeis. In 1947 the term Zeliangrong (Zemei + Laiangmei + Rongmei) was coined, partly on the basis of the mythical common ancestry of the three groups, partly as a result of the feeling of unity which the Jadonong-Gaidinlui movement inspired in them. On the Zeliangrong Council and the Manipur Zeliangrong Union, see further Gangumei Kabui: The Zeliangrong Movements, an historical study, in: K.S. Singh, Tribal Movements in India, vol I (New Delhi 1982, pp 53-66).
2. See Parratt, John and Parratt, Saroj: QueeD Empress vs Tikendrajit, the Anglo-Manipuri conflictof 1891. (Delhi 1992)
3. For a useful summary of the Kuki rebellion see Sir R. Ried: History of the Frontier Areas Borderiog on Assam from 1883-1941 (Shillong 1942) pp 79ff.
4. For Christianity in Manipur see F. Downs: The Mighty Works of God (Gauhati 1971) and Lal Dena: Christian Missions and Colonialism, a study of the missionary movement in north east India with particular reference to Manipur and the Lushai Hills (Shillong 1988).
5. See S. Fuchs: Rebellious Prophets (London 1965).
6. On the traditional Naga religion see T.C. Hodson: The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London 1911); Mangthoi Thaimei: The Kabuis (in K.B. Singh ed: An Introduction to thc Tribal Language and Culture of Manipur, Imphal 1976, pp 31-61); C.A. Soppitt: A Short Account of thc Kachcha Naga (Empeo) Tribe in the North Cachar Hills (Shillong 1885); George Watt: The Aboriginal Tribes of Manipur (Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute vol xvi 1887 pp 346-70).
7. The description of sacrifice among the Kacha Nagas given by Soppitt can equally apply to the Kabuis. The mithun seems to have played an important role in Kabui mythology.
8. See Soppitt and Hodson. The python also played an important role in Meitei mythology.
9. A.W. Davis (Census of India 1891, Assam vol I p 249) notes that 'outsiders are still by custom not allowed into villages (ie during gennas) or if allowed in cannot be entertained'.
10. See Hodson op cit p 164.
11. Statement in Case no 10, Political Agent of Manipur dated 5.6.1931. All archival sources quoted are held in the Manipur State Archives.
12. However the mythology is confused. A different tradition makes Ragwang (the supreme god of the Zeliangrong) the first son of Bhishnu and the agent of creation. His younger brother is Koubru (also a Meitei deity and the name of a mountain). On the summit of Bhuvan hills there is a shrine of Siva. The fact that Jadonong claimed to be a medium of Ragwang seems to indicate that he made no distinction between Ragwang and Bhishnu. Of the shrine of Bhishnu he said,'Ragwang first took me there in a dream.'
13. Tour diary of Political Agent Higgins for 19th Feb 1931.
14. On Saktism in Manipur see S.N. Parratt: The Religion of Manipur (Calcutta 1980 p 198ff.
15. However the influence of Hinduism on Jadonong's religious ideas has been greatly exaggerated by D.P. Mukherjee, P. Gupta and N.K. Das: The Zeliangrong or Haomei Movement(in D.S. Singh op cit pp 67-96).
16. Op cit pp 178-9; see also careful discussion of Lal Dena op cit 101ff.
17. Nagas Struggle against the British Rule under Jadonong and Rani Gaidinlui 1925-1947 (Kohima 1982).
18. Though the colonial officers were not all by any means friendly to missions. In 1922 the SDO had Kabui Christians expelled from Tamenglong.
19. If this event is based on fact then presumably his initial vision of the cave must have occurred before this and when he was still a boy.
20. Unpublished manuscript: Jadonong, mystic Naga Rebel.
21. There can be no truth in the contention that Jadonong took part as a porter in the 1914�18 war; this is impossible to fit into the chronology of his life.
22. Jadonong's priestess, Gaidinlui, subsequently underwent a similar trance calls, and became convenanted to the daughter of Bhishnu.
23. Mills' report to the PA dated 7.7.32 identified it with tbe cave of Shiva (Jonidwar) 2000 feet below the summit of tbe mountain sacred to the Hindu god. Another holy place revealed in a dream was the Lake Zeilad off the west bank of the Barak river. Zeilad features in Naga mythology as the place where paddy originated. The deity of the lake was believed to take the form of a python and required the sacrifice of a female mithun.
24. Gangumei denies tbat they were ahongyum, decorated houses.
25. Higgins Tour Diary dated 1.3.31
26. Higgins to Mills from Kambiron 2.2.31.
27. Gimson to Higgins 19.3.31
28. Pettigrew, the veteran missionary to the Tangkhul Nagas at Kongpokpi, informed Higgins in a letter dated 17.2.31 that many of his Christian students - Kuki, Kabui and Kacha Nagas as well as Tangkhuls - were conspicuously absent from the mission school and hints that this may have been due to unrest in the area.
29. On tbe meaning of maiba see Saroj N. Parratt op cit pp 96ff.
30. Eg Higgins to Cosgrave, Chief Secretary of Assam dated 26.3.31: 'They sent goats to Jadonong because they heard he was a god'.
31. Higgins Tour Diary dated Kambiron 2.3.31.
32. Inspector of Police, Silchar to Superintendant of Police, Silchar dated 27.3.31. It may be Manipuri adaptation of the Bengali word indicating a herbalist.
33. See the statements collected in Mills communication to Higgins dated 24.3.31
34. Mills to Higgins 24.3.31.
35. Mills to Higins 17.3.31.
36. Tour Diary 5.3.31.
37. 'I have my suspicions that Jadonong has got the Congress infection from Lakhimpur' 10.3.31.
38. Gimson firmly rejected any Congress connection on the ground that it had no real influence in Lakhimpur. Yonuo greatly overstates this factor, and it seems to us fanciful to regard Jadonong as a Gandhian (op cit pp 63-65). This is a reading back from a later period when the Congress regarded Gaidinlui's movement as an ally.
39. These may well have been Christians; Pettigrew's men acted as enumerators in this census.
40. Higgins to Cosgrave 12.1.31.
41. This is well attested, though it seems curious that a Muslim should offer zu (rice beer).
42. Higgins to Mills 2.2.31.
43. Soraren is also a Meitei sky god, see S.N. Parratt op cit p 32.
44. There is no evidence to support the contention of N. Rustomji: Enchanted Frontiers (London 1971) and repeated by Mukherjee et al (op cit p 71) that the cult engaged in human sacrifice and that this was the significance of beheading. On the contray the taking of heads was a matter of varfare, not of religious ritual.
45. On appeal the sentences on the four were reduced to deportation for life on the grounds that, though they pleaded guilty, the darkness and confusion of the night made certain identification impossible. Mudungang claimed that he was not present at the killings. The British failed to arrest Gaidinlui who was not brought to trial for abetment of murder until December 1932.
46. This evidence was later reiterated at the trial of Gaidinlui. Gaidinlui openly incriminated Jadonong while denying her own complicity in the killing. She apparently changed her mind later (personal interview with Gangumei November 1969).
47. Case 10 of the Political Agent of Manipur dated 5.6.31.
48. 'The prime mover of the murder Gaidinlui absconded immediateJy before the beginning of the inquiry so the villagers put the whole responsibility on the petitioner' (Appeal of Petition of Jadonong to the Governor of Assam dated 24.6.3 1 ).
49. The Unity of India (London 148 pp 187-8).


Courtesy : Kanglaonline.com